Constructing New Type of Great Power Relations: The State of Debate in China (1998-2014)

The British Journal of Politics and International Relations 1 21 The Authors 2016 Reprints and permissions sagepubcoukjournalsPermissionsnav DOI 1011771369148115620991 bpisagepubcom Constructing new type of great power relations the state of debate in China 19982014 Jinghan Zeng Research Highlights and Abstract Provide the first comprehensive study of Chinese discourse of new type of great power relations Contribute to a broader understanding of how new political concepts and ideas are gradually established in China Use content analysis to study 141 Chinese academic articles with title new type of great power relations in the title Chinas reemergence as a global power has intensified its conflicts with the United States Power transition theory suggests that the rising power and the exiting hegemony are unlikely to settle with peace In order to manage the confrontation with the United States China has called for establishing a new type of great power relations This article explores how this Chinesecoined concept is introduced by Chinese leaders and subsequently filled with real meaning in an incremental manner It provides the first comprehensive study of the Chinese discourse of new type of great power relations using content analysis to study 141 articles written by Chinese scholars It finds that the academic debate of this concept can be traced back to the late 1990s when China still considered itself as a normal power Chinas international identity has shifted with Chinas rise and thus changed the contemporary debate on new type of great power relations This article argues that there are neither predetermined strategic intentions nor real substance contained by this concept at this stage Indeed China itself is concerned that it may be constrained by its own concept Keywords China ChinaUS relations new type of great power relations United States Introduction Chinas reemergence as a global power has triggered heated debates on the future Sino US relationshipthe most important relationship in world affairs How these two great Royal Holloway University of London UK Corresponding author Jinghan Zeng Department of Politics and International Relations Royal Holloway University of London Egham SurreyTW20 0EX UK Email Jinghanzengrhulacuk 620991 BPI001011771369148115620991The British Journal of Politics and International RelationsZeng researcharticle2016 Article 2 The British Journal of Politics and International Relations powers live with each other is likely to shape the future international order Power transi tion theory suggests that the rising power and the existing hegemon are unlikely to settle with peace John Mearsheimer 2014a for example argues that a declining United States and a rising China will be engaged in security competition with a considerable potential for war However others argue that given its economic and political openness the current international order is able to accommodate Chinas peaceful rise eg Reilly 2012 The tragedy of great power politics may be avoided if the United States and China could man age their complicated bilateral relationship In facing the increasing conflicts with the United States and its rising power status China has proposed a series of initiatives to manage SinoUS relations In 2012 during his trip to Washington Xi Jinping called for a new type of great power relations in the 21st century This represents a highprofile Chinese initiative to avoid confrontation between the rising power and the existing hegemony In subsequent highlevel meetings between China and the United States Xi Jinping has repeatedly insisted on this Chinesecoined concept of new type of great power rela tions For example during Xi Jinpings meeting with Thomas Donilon National Security Advisor to the US President Xi said that Both sides should from the fundamental interest of the people of the two countries and of the world join the efforts to build up ChinaUS cooperative partnership trying to find a completely new way for the new type of great power relations which would be unprecedented in history and open up the future Peoples Daily 2012 emphasis added To some Chinese scholars this Chinese initiative is a continued exploration of Sino US relations in the context of Chinas rise This dates back to the 2008 financial crisis when the ideas of G2 and Chimerica were introduced by some American analysts to manage SinoUS relations At that time China under Hu Jintaos leadership clearly rejected these ideas Nowadays Xi Jinpings proactive diplomacy is attempting to reshape the future SinoUS relations by promoting the idea of new type of great power relations Whether this concept is the revised version of G2 or G2 with Chinese characteristics is debatable but it is certain that the core of this Chinesecoined concept shares the same purpose as the idea of G2 and Chimerica the hope that China and the United States will not repeat the tragedy of great power politics While China has been keen in promoting this concept in the international arena the United States attitude has been very ambiguous A key reason for this ambiguous attitude is that neither this concept nor Chinas strategic intentions of using this concept are clear Nonetheless the vagueness of this Chinesecoined concept has not prevented it from generating enormous public and academic interest eg Kerr 2013 Zhao 2015 Some argue that this concept is a bad idea for the United States eg Mattis 2013 or even a trap for the United States set by the rising China eg Erickson and Liff 2014 while others consider its birth as an opportunity to seeking a durable foundation for USChina ties Lampton 2013 and to integrate a rising China into the established world order The way in which this Chinesecoined concept is perceived internationally provides a good basis to understand Chinas initiative however it is equally important if not more so to observe domestic perceptions within China Indeed it is less often noticed that Xis new type of great power relations has also evoked huge academic and public interest domestically within China As Qi Hao points out the domestic disagreements over new type of great power relations are far more than that between the United States and China Qi 2015 What are Chinese scholars Zeng 3 and analysts debating about new type of great power relations Amy Kings 2014 anal ysis of the Chinese discourse of new type of great power relations with a focus on where Japan fits in this concept provides a good basis to start from As King concludes Japan only plays a marginal role in this Chinesecoined concept Indeed to some Chinese scholars Japan does not fit into this concept at all no matter how loosely it is defined1 This article provides the first comprehensive study of Chinese discourse relating to this new type of great power relations It does this using content analysis to study 141 academic articles titled new type of great power relations in Chinese Instead of pro viding a new radical interpretation of Chinas strategic intentions the modest goal of this article is to provide hard evidence as to what agreements and disagreements over new type of great power relations are within the Chinese academic and policy community It intends to identify the diverse and mainstream views within China and to open this domestic debate to a wider nonEnglishspeaking community This article also aims to contribute to a broader understanding of how new political concepts and ideas are gradually established in China As we argued before in China when new concepts are put forward by Chinese leaders they are not always clearly defined Zeng et al 2015 Frequently the process of filling the new concept with real meaning occurs subsequently and incrementally In other words the new academic focus within China is generated by key leaders political agendas This article argues that this is a part of the process to construct this new type of great power relations As this arti cle will show the academic discussion on this concept has existed as early as the late 1990s when it was mainly referred to as SinoRussia relations However this debate had disappeared for a decade until Xi Jinping reused this concept for SinoUS relations Since Xi Jinping pointed out the broader picture of this concept it has been left for Chinese scholars to fill Xis vague vision of new type of great power relations with greater substance As this article will reveal the current academic discussion on new type of great power relations is fundamentally different from that of the late 1990s The link with the first use of this concept is accidental and probably not realized by most people who use it At this stage it is clearer what new type of great power relations is not than what it is In China it has been frequently argued that the rise of China is not repeating the history of great power politics as China is different from the previous great power This is to say it is not the oldor traditional type of great power relations that has been discussed by the literature of great power politics and security dilemma Holslag 2015 Kirshner 2012 Liff and Ikenberry 2014 Mearsheimer 2014b Yet China is still incapable of elaborat ing what it is The current Chinese discourse concerning this new type of great power relations still consists of broad vague principles with few specific substances This is because of the early development stage and Chinas deliberate strategic vagueness This does not mean China has a predetermined strategic intention in promoting this concept This strategic vagueness arises as a result of the need to cover Chinas inability to elabo rate its own concept and allow diplomatic flexibility However it is clearly recognized that if China continues to maintain this conceptual vagueness it may lead to misconcep tion of international society on Chinas strategic intentions This recognition also involves with a strong fear within China that if it fails to provide a convincing elaboration of this concept China will lose its discursive power and may even be constrained by its own concept This fear again reflects that power does include not only hard power in militaryeconomic terms but also discursive power This is to say power could come from the discourse in international politics Thus this new type of great power relations provides us a case to study the power struggle between China and 4 The British Journal of Politics and International Relations the United States over discursive power This power struggle is not the one with battle ships and submarines but one over discourse This article is organized as follows It will first introduce the research methods that were used followed by the introduction of authors in the debate The second section will discuss the context of this concept including its history why China introduces this con cept now and how it fits in Chinas grand strategy The third section analyses its current substance and the last section discusses the nature of this Chinese debate including influ ence of theory method and scholars Research methods content analysis and interviews As a part of my project on Chinese perceptions this article further contributes to a methodo logical approach that can be used to systematically study Chinese language materials in a reliable and replicable manner With the rise of China Chinese perceptions have attracted considerable academic interest So far relevant studies rely on two primary research meth ods structuredunstructured interview and document analysis While structured interview ie survey studies provides reliable results based on a large sample they are often time consuming to undertake and require considerable resources Compared with surveys docu ment analysis is easier to conduct and more transparent and replicable Yet when conducting document analysis many relevant studies rely only on a small numbers of Chinese articles documents Although these representative samples help to understand what is being said they fail to provide a comprehensive understanding of Chinese perceptions Among the few that have comprehensively studied Chinese perceptions eg Huang 2015 King 2014 Niu 2014 Pang and Wang 2013 Zhang 2015 2012 Zhu and Pearson 2013 while they provide valuable empirical contributions on Chinese perceptions the relevant studies could benefit from employing more sophisticated research methods Reading and interpretation are highly subjective and thus personal bias is involved This is especially true of scholars who work in the field and have their own understanding of Chinese politics This variation and subjectivity of interpretation are wider still when it comes to the nature of Chinese writing on politics which is often underpinned by mate rialist dialectics The error of subjective interpretation cannot be eliminated but can be controlled to some acceptable extent My project employs content analysis with coding to study Chinese perceptions We first identified the relevant articles and then drafted a coding scheme After piloting the early versions of my coding scheme a code manual was developed to inform the coding process The coding process strictly followed the instruction of my coding manual This helps to make the research more objective and reliable To take intracoding reliability as an example the same persons understanding on the same article may be different at dif ferent times This may for example be caused by increased knowledge or a new under standing of politics The code manual helped to minimize this variation and thus maintain intracoding reliability More importantly the author is keen to promote transparent open empirical research in international relations IR and politics All data including my cod ing manual codebook onlineappendix and other replication materials are available from my research page2 More specially in this project I used the official concept new type of great power relations 新型大国关系 in Chinese as the search term during the data collection As I focus on the academic debate I only searched for the China National Knowledge Infrastructures CNKI journal articles database All journal articles with new type of Zeng 5 great power relations in the title in the CNKI were collected This included 184 articles covering period from 1998 to 20143 In order to test the robustness of my search result I conducted the second round of searching using two similar terms 新型的大国关系 and 新型大国的关系whose literal meanings are exactly the same with the official con cept In the second round of searching I found another article published in 2005 titled 新型的大国关系 Zhao 20054 After removing irrelevant results such as leaders talks conference review news reports and duplicate articles5 I identified 141 articles as my research object Because of the large amount of data that I collected my data analysis was divided into two stages The first stage mainly focused on what and why this new type of great power relations is new The relevant findings are reported in this article The second stage will ana lyse the Chinese definition of great power and more specifically which countries are con sidered as great power in this new type of great power relations see Zeng and Breslin 2016 Notably content analysis does not provide the full explanation of Chinese percep tionsit only tells us what is available in the text and the weight of each view in the Chinese debate from a quantitative perspective In order to further understand Chinese perceptions beyond the text my project was supported by interviews with some influen tial Chinese scholars who wrote on the topic conducted in Beijing between 9 and 15 April 2015 My previous two projects used a similar methodological approach to study Chinese perceptions of regime legitimacy and core interests Zeng 2014 2015 Zeng et al 2015 It allowed us to compare the topic of new type of great power relations with the previous two and to identify the similarities and differences Authors in the debate6 Among the selected 141 articles Chinese universities contribute 77 articles 546 as Figure 1 shows The most active ones are Renmin University 12 articles Fudan University 9 University of Foreign Studies 7 and Peking University 6 Nonetheless this does not mean this debate is purely academic Rather it has important policy impli cations for three reasons First this academic debate is closely related with policy dis cussion Chinese academic writings of politics and IR are very different from the English academic literaturethe principal purpose of many Chinese academic writings is to provide policy recommendations This kind of writing style is called a challenge response mode Zhu and Pearson 2013 In this mode the article usually starts by describing a problem first and then suggests a solution to solve this problem This writ ing style is confirmed by my previous studies on core interests and regime legitimacy In the Chinese debate on core interests for example many articles start with a problem such as how Chinas core interests are harmed by foreign governments and this is fol lowed by a set of policy suggestions on what China should do Zeng 2015 Zeng et al 2015 This pattern is very similar when they are debating new type of great power rela tions as I will discuss later Second as Figure 1 shows the Chinese policy community also participates actively in the debate Chinese stateaffiliated think tanks contribute 34 articles 241 The authors are mainly based in four stateaffiliated institutions China Institutes of Contemporary International Relations 11 affiliated with the Ministry of State Security Chinese Academy of Social Science CASS 10 affiliated with the State Council China Institute of International Studies 7 affiliated with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Shanghai Institute of International Studies 4 affiliated with Shanghai Municipal Government 6 The British Journal of Politics and International Relations Local party schools and military colleges also contribute eight and five articles respec tively In addition six articles are written by senior officials including Wang Yi the Minister of foreign affairs Cui Tiankai the Chinese ambassador to the United States Yu Hongjun the vice minister of the Chinese Communist Partys International Department He Yafei the Deputy director of the Overseas Chinese Affairs Office of the State Council and the former vice minister of foreign affairs and Ma Zhengang the former Chinese ambassador to the United Kingdom This indicates that this debate is heavily influenced by the policy community Third at the very least Chinese academic discourse presents the view of an elite group that will have influence and cannot simply be ignored by the Chinese government Therefore this debate provides an important angle for us to uncover different thinking on Chinese foreign policy within China Driven by the complexity of international affairs and Chinas deeper global involve ment the process of making Chinese foreign policy has been increasingly relying on Chinese academic community and think tanks Many Chinese governmental organs have regular consultation mechanism with academic and intellectual community Gong et al 2009 Indeed as mentioned above those think tanks are directly affiliated with certain governmental organ and their jobs are to provide policy advice for their parent depart ments Many foreign affairs offices would also invite some external experts to participate in the policy research and making process when dealing with important diplomatic issues Gong et al 2009 In addition to the above institutional channels Chinese scholars have also exerted their influence in other ways For example in recent years the Chinese politburo has institu tionalized a collective learning system in which all politburo members are required to attend Tsai and Dean 2013 Top Chinese scholars are invited to deliver lectures to the top decisionmakers This collective learning system does not only exist at the top but in the entire bureaucratic systemfor example the Central Party School has organized increasingly numbers of workshops and symposiums for ministerial and departmental level officials in China Moreover internal report 内部参考 is also one of the important channels for Chinese scholars to influence policy When a governmentfunded research project is complete internal report is considered as a key or perhaps the most important Figure 1 Home institutions of authors in the debate on new type of great power relations 19982014 Zeng 7 research result When I conducted interviews in Beijing many Chinese scholars often told me stories about whose internal reports were delivered to the top decisionmakers and thus facilitate certain policies or diplomatic initiatives Historical context how New is the new type of great power relations Given that the concept new type of great power relations gradually emerges in public and academic discussions after Xi Jinping officially proposed it in 2012 we should not be surprised that many nonChinese scholars consider new type of great power relations as a new concept first proposed by Xi Jinping Indeed many influential Chinese scholars also consider it to be a new concept Niu 2013 2 Yang 2013a For example Niu Xinchun 2013 argues that new type of great power relations is a brand new concept There is no textbook or existing model for us to follow p 2 Zhao Xiaochun 2013 Professor at the University of International Relations argues that to build new type of great power relations was first proposed by comrade Xi Jinping during his American visit in February 2012 p 6 Yet to some China observers and analysts there is nothing new about Xis new type of great power relations In Daniel Blumenthals analysis this is an old type of great power relations because SinoUS relations will be as competitive as the relationship between rising power and existing hegemony in the history Blumenthal 2015 To Andrew Erickson and Adam Liff 2014 it represents old type of values and order To Peter Mattis it is new facade on the old rhetoric of peaceful coexistence Mattis 2013 To some extent this article supports the above conclusion but for different reasons Whether this concept is new depends on how new is defined here Xi Jinping is cer tainly not the first Chinese leader who used this concept Hu Jintao used it to describe the future relationship of SinoUS in the near end of his term According to Hu the United States and China should strive to develop a new type of great power relationship that is reassuring to the peoples of both nations and gives the peoples of other countries peace of mind Glaser 2012 Earlier than Hu the then State Councillor Dai Bingguo mentioned this concept in May 2010 during the USChina Strategic Economic Dialogue Dai 2010 According to Dai this term refers to mutual respect living in harmony cooperation and winwin which is slightly different from Xis version which focuses mainly on coopera tion and winwin Zhong 2014 Back in 2000 Jiang Zemin 2006 pointed out in a Politburo conference that in the past decade we have been actively developing new type of great power relations that mainly focus on nonalignment no confrontation no direct action against a third country We have established a fundamental framework of 21st century bilateral relations with the US Russia France the UK Canada and Japan one after another p 546 Jiangs talk clearly indicates that both the content and targeted countries of this con cept are different from that now Nonalignment nonconfrontation and not directly against a third country were its three major principles in Jiangs discourse which is simi lar but different from Xis discourse In addition in Jiangs discourse great power refers to a group of traditional Western powers but the current mainstream view either points to the United States alone or extends it to include emerging nonWestern power Zeng and Breslin 2016 8 The British Journal of Politics and International Relations Notably this concept in Jiangs discourse was very similar to another concept that of a new type of state relations 新型国家关系 which also consists of the above three principles In Jiangs speech in Moscow new type of state relations was mentioned three times Jiang 2001 At that time it mainly targeted Russia Zhong 2014 Given the high similarities between these two concepts it is possible that the original target of new type of great power relations was SinoRussia relations instead of SinoUS relations The previous discussion about this concept clearly focused more on new type of relations while the current discourse is built on Chinas new identity as rising power or perhaps global power and thus great power relations is the key As a result we should not be surprised that the term new type of great power rela tions appears in academic discussion long before 2010 Figure 2 shows the number of Chinese academic articles with new type of great power relations in the title As Figure 2 shows the Chinese academic discussion of this concept can be traced back to as early as the late 1990s Yu Cheng an author unknown argued in 1998 that the strategic collabo ration between China and Russiaincluding border negotiations military talks and joint statement on multipolar worldunder the leadership of then Chinese president Jiang Zemin and the then Russian President Boris Yeltsin provides a firm basis for establishing new type of great power relations Yu 1998 In this article the concept of a new type of great power relations is very similar to if not the same as the then official discourse of new type of state relations Li Yihu a professor of Peking University argued in 1999 that the world would become multipolarformed by United States China Russian Japan and the European Union EUin the 21st century Li 1999 In this multipolar world the strategic partnership would replace the old group politics and alliance politics and thus formed new type of great power relations in the 21st centuryexactly the same words with what Xi said during his trip to Washington in 2012 According to Li this new type of great power rela tions in the 21st century reflects a new type of security concept which is opposite to the group and alliance politics based on the cold war mentality Figure 2 Numbers of Chinese academic articles titled new type of great power relations 新 型大国关系 or 新型的大国关系 in Chinese 19982014 Zeng 9 The article of 2005 written by Zhao Bole a professor of Yunnan University argues that China India and Brazil have become emerging powers because of their rapid devel opment Zhao 2005 Contrary to the prediction of some realists the rise of China and India does not attempt to challenge the hegemony and undermine the existing interna tional system Thus Zhao concludes that SinoIndia relations are a new type of great power relations This relationship is new because 1 China and India are both developing countries and thus have different standpoints with traditional great powers 2 they both consider economic development as the most important goal and prefer a peaceful interna tional environment and 3 they both pursue highly independent foreign policies Why does the world need new type of great power relations now Figure 2 also shows that the debate has almost disappeared for a decade until 2012 After Xi Jinping officially proposed establishing a new type of great power relations in 2012 this immediately evoked enormous academic interest within Chinaa large number of workshopsseminarsconferences on new type of great power relations were organized in China My brief search shows that Chinas National Foundation of Social Science has funded 10 projects with new type of great power relations in the title so far7 In the early 2015 Fudan University established the Collaborative Innovation Centre for New Type of SinoUS Great Power Relationship In this context the growing academic interest has produced a large amount of articles on new type of great power relations and thus reawak ened the debate in 2012 The articles published in 2012 and 2013 usually start with why new type of great power relations is needed for China and the world The most frequently mentioned reason 68 by Chinese scholars is to avoid Thucydides trap by which a rising China and a declining United States may lead to conflicts It is widely argued that this new type of great power relations could help to avoid this trap In addition some also argue that this concept provides a new identity for both the United States and China that can accommodate the great revival of China without chal lenging the American belief that the US will never accept to be No 2 Wang 2013b 59 It is also a Chinese attempt to defend itself As Zhang Xiaoming argues China wants to use the idea of new type of great power relations to replace the widely believed Thucydides trap in order to undermine American pressure Zhang 2014 A new type of SinoUS great power relationship will also help China to maintain and extend the period of strategic opportunities Chen 2013b 4 This period of strategic opportunities refers to the current peaceful international environment by which China can focus on economic development In this sense this new type of great power relations is a part of Chinas peaceful development strategy Li 2013a Nonetheless there is no consensus as to the prospect of SinoUS relations Optimists argue that the United States and China have already broke the Thucydides trap Yang 2013b 102 Thus the new type of great power relationship between the United States and China has already taken place Chou and Zhang 2013 41 Yu 2013b 5 As Da Wei 2013 further explains to establish SinoUS new type of great power relations is not to build from scratch SinoUS relations in the past 20 year have actually been certain kinds of new type of great power relationship p 64 Pessimists argue that it is questionable whether a new type of great power relations exists Zhang 2014 51 Footnote 2 It is argued that the current SinoUS relationship is neither a really new type of relationship 10 The British Journal of Politics and International Relations nor a great power relationship because the United States has not treated China as a great power Li 2014 9 Shi 2014a 28 To some extent this pessimistic view echoes the real ist perspective about the inevitable conflict between a rising China and a declining United Statesalthough it does not directly endorse with the literature written in English on the theme As mentioned in the debate some argue that it was the Americans who first started to explore future SinoUS relations and proposed some ideas such as G2 and Chimerica The Chinesecoined concept new type of great power relations is a continuation of this exploration Zhang and Jing 2013 25 This exploration might involve another purpose the rights of initiative It is argued that China had been in a passive position in the SinoUS relations that accepted American definition of SinoUS relations Pang 2013 15 Ruan 2012 27 such as constructive cooperative and candid and responsible stakeholder Pang 2013 15 Proposing a new type of great power relations is thus an attempt to change Chinas passive position However as I will discuss later some Chinese scholars are also concerned that if they fail to provide a convincing elaboration of this concept China will not only lose the rights of initiative but also be constrained by its own concept Chinese enthusiasm and American ambiguity The American attitude towards this Chinesecoined concept remains very ambiguous Li and Xu 2014 if they are not against it Yamaguchi 2014 So far the Obama administra tion has not shown its clear support to this Chinesecoined concept Nonetheless Chinese official propaganda has been explicitly and implicitly suggesting that the United States has accepted it This is understandable insofar as it helps the Chinese Communist Party to win domestic support We find that this view is also widely held in the debate8 Some scholars even argue that this concept is very popular with American political and aca demic circles as well as American public Dong 2013 and has already become American official concept of its China policy Jin and Zhao 2014 52 This indicates a high Chinese expectation and enthusiasm to promote this concept Needless to say there are good reasons for China to hope for the United States to rec ognize this concept From the strategic perspective once the United States accepts this concept it also recognizes Chinas status as a great power and thus China will win the commensurate strategic space Shi 2014b In addition it will be seen as the victory of Chinese diplomacy under Xis leadership As Zhou Fangyin 2013 Director of CASS further states in the current unequal power balance between the US and China the establishment of new type of great power relation means that the US has made relative important strategic compromise to China or at least the US has decided to make significant and substantive strategic tolerance on China As the US is the global hegemony and the only superpower the SinoUS new type of great power relationship means that the US indirectly accepts that China enjoys the similar international status with the US In other words this is to acknowledge that American unique status in the world has been shaken or lost to some extent If the US and China establish a real meaningful new type of great power relationship its international implications are that the rise of China has become a fact If the US and China form an equal great power status then it is equal to the US having made a relative significant compromiseat least other countries will think in this way p 19 Zeng 11 The role of new type of great power relations in Chinese grand strategy How does this new type of great power relations fit in with Chinas grand strategy In recent years Deng Xiaopings keeping a low profilepeaceful development as Chinas grand strategy for decades has been increasingly challenged because of Chinas changing security environment Some argue that this strategy has led to the loss of Chinas security interests and thus should be changed while others argue that China is not strong enough to do so This is arguably the most important contemporary debate in Chinese foreign policy After Xi Jinping took power this debate becomes more intensified This debate has expanded now to almost all areas of Chinese foreign policy In the debate on core interests some argue that with the intense territorial disputes in South and East China seas keeping a low profile has been increasingly incapable of protecting Chinas core interests specifically security interests Zeng 2015 Zeng et al 2015 Others argue that this view exaggerates the threat of territorial disputes on Chinas core interests and keep ing a low profile is still the right thing to do Similarly the relevant debate expands to the discourse of a new type of great power relations On one hand a few argue that keeping a low profile is obsolete Chinas grow ing strength has made it harder to keep a low profile than before Chen 2013a Nor has this strategy been effective in improving Chinas international image and maintaining its own security Zou and Li 2013 As such China needs a new grand strategy and a new type of great power relations is one of the steps towards constructing such a new grand strategy This view is criticized by many supporters of the current grand strategy For example as Cui Lei 2014 argues with the growth of Chinas strength many people become complacent and have hallucinations They think that China is strong enough to challenge the US and could abandon keeping a low profile strategy Thus they sometimes inadvertently show arrogance in foreign exchange and policy statements p 43 To some Chinese scholars the new type of great power relations is consistent with a peaceful development strategy because it is claimed that China will become a new great power that will rise peacefully Cui 2014 He 2014 Li 2013b 35 Li and Bi 2013 74 Yuan 2012 This view is also shaped by their judgement on American future role in the world As Li Yongcheng 2013b argues Chinese leaders should objectively assess the US and avoid exaggerating its decline and underestimating its international leadership or even have wrong judgement on its future trend and abandon Deng Xiaopings keeping a low profile too early p 35 Although there are more supporters of keeping a low profile than opponents the role of Xis new type of great power relations in his vision of Chinas grand strategy is still unclear Future studies should look into the debate on Chinas grand strategy especially the period after Xi took power Two pillars new relations and great power The concept of new type of great power relations consists of two key words new rela tions 新型关系 and great power 大国 Chinese scholars have different emphases on these two key words On one hand some focus on new type of relations which contrasts with traditional relations Liu 2013 154 Wang 2014 77 It is argued that Chinese diplomacy should have a broader focus China should develop a comprehensive new type 12 The British Journal of Politics and International Relations of IR that not only focus on great countries but also on small countries international organizations and transnational enterprises Chen 2013c 1920 Thus the primary focus should be on new type of relations Zheng 2013 This view implies that new type of great power relations is only one of the Chinesecoined diplomatic concept Similar concepts include new state relationsa term used by Jiang Zemin and the predecessor of new type of great power relations as I will discuss laterand new international rela tions eg Su 2013 On the other hand while acknowledging the importance of new others emphasize great power because this relates to Chinas world status Shi 2014b As mentioned before once the United States accepts this term it means the United States recognizes Chinas great power status and thus will share power with China Shi 2014b It is argued that establishing Chinas relations with great powers has gradually become a core of Chinese diplomacy Zhao and Yin 2012 81 In this sense a new type of great power relations can be interpreted as a significant if not core part of Xi Jinpings big country diplomacy with Chinese characteristics Thus far the Obama administration seems to be only positive to the first half of this Chinesecoined concept ie new type of relations but ambiguous with the second half ie great power because of its vague definition The following sections will focus on new type of relations and what is new about the new type of great power relations What is New in this new type of great power Although the term new type of great power relations does not originally derive from SinoUS relationships Chinese scholars and officials have been filling this concept with new meanings Yet when explaining what is new in this new type of great power relations the current academic discourse mainly reiterates the broad vague diplomatic principles with little specific substantive content Currently the debate focuses on three key princi ples highlighted by Xi Jinping no confrontation mutual respect and winwin These prin ciples are mainly designed to manage future SinoUS relations and thus avoid the potential conflict between the rising power and the existing hegemon While these principles signal good wishes for SinoUS relations they are open for interpretation and the Chinese debate has not clarified the substance as well as how they can be put into practice yet No confrontation is not new as it was one of the three principles of new type of great power relations in the late 1990s As mentioned it aimed to promote a sort of peaceful coexistence between China a normal power and other major countries However while its meaning remains the same the contemporary discussion is related to manage the rela tions between China a rising power and the United States the existing hegemon It appeals that the United States and China should objectively understand each others stra tegic intentions and manage disagreement in a nonconfrontational way Yet the debate does not provide much guidance on how to put this principle into practice for example to ease the tension between the United States and China in South China Sea Mutual respect is a more vague principle A key message of mutual respect is that the United States and China should respect each others core interests From the Chinese perspective it is unfair that China never attempts to challenge the US core interests while the United States often do so Qian 2013 14 Thus this request is completely legitimate From the US perspective this is the most problematic part of this concept because Chinese core interests could expand to territorial disputes such as South and East China seas Yamaguchi 2014 Zeng 13 In the Chinese debate on new type of great power relations 418 of articles argue that the United States should respect Chinas core interests Yet the core interests are not clearly defined in China Our previous article on Chinese core interests finds that Chinese discourse of core interests is a vague concept and there is no consensus on what Chinas specific core interests are Zeng et al 2015 Similarly when debating on the new type of great power relations very few clearly defined what Chinas core interests are This delib erate conceptual vagueness would enable to allow more flexibility for Chinese diplomacy while avoid potential domestic nationalistic criticism Campbell et al 2013 Moreover there is also a sort of vagueness involved in those defined core interests Take Chinas political system as an example which is one of few clearly defined core interests in both Chinese official and academic discourses A key or perhaps the most important message of mutual respect is that the United States should respect rather than attempt to overthrow Chinas oneparty system As Wang Jisi a leading scholar in China and Wu Shengqi elaborate mutual respect means that China will respect and not chal lenge the United States world status only if the United States will do so to Chinas cur rent political system Wang and Wu 2014 7 Yet to respect Chinas political system might mean that the United States needs to stop its attempt to promote human rights and democracy in China This could be expanded to a series of issues including freedom of speech Internet freedom religious and ethnic minorities and labour rights which are considered by the Chinese government as attempts to end the communist partys monop oly on power Given that the United States has been keen in supporting these issues for decades it is unlikely for the United States to endorse the Chinese position at this stage Therefore some US analysts suggest the American government to accept Xis proposal on new type of great power relations if China is willing to remove reference to core inter ests from this proposal Hadley and Haenle 2015 The principle of winwin contrasts with the zerosum game in the old type of great power relations as I will discuss later In Chinas new type of great power relations win win stands for a new framework of bilateral relations that benefits both sides It focuses on shared interests and common development instead of competition and struggle By highlighting this principle China also wants to send the message that the rise of China is not a threat but an opportunity in which the international society will benefit from In short by promoting these three principles Chinas call for new type of great power rela tions wants to 1 show its sincere commitment to peaceful development and 2 gain international recognition on Chinas status as a great power Nonetheless at this stage neither Chinas strategic goal nor how to achieve this goal by promoting this concept is clear The development of this Chinesecoined concept is still at its early stage As Da Wei 2013 elaborates Currently the Chinese government and academia are stuck in statement of principles such as enhancing strategic mutual trust making good use of the current mechanism and strengthening cooperation in issues like North Koreas nuclear weapon and climate change These statements are no doubt correct but too vague Their elaborations on how and why new type of great power relations is new are not sufficiently specific and clear If this tendency continues China might gradually lose its real control over this concept This is a problem that the academia should focus p 60 Chinese scholars also realise the danger of conceptual vagueness and thus urge the development of a convincing theory of new type of great power relations Niu and Song 14 The British Journal of Politics and International Relations 2013 135 As Qi Hao 2015 points out if China fails to make this vague concept clearer it may let the international society misunderstand Chinas strategic intentions It is also believed that the United States has been filling this concept with their preferred meanings Niu and Song 2013 135 Thus if China could not produce a sound explanation it will lose the power of the interpretation of this concept It may even be constrained by its own concept Generally speaking the current academic discourse is evolving Before 2011 the relevant debate was isolated During the period of 2012 and 2013 it mainly focused on the importance of establishing that is why the world needs new type of great power relations and broad principles of establishing this relationship Some specific policy sug gestions about how to build this relationship gradually emerged in 2014 So far instead of elaborating on what the new type of great power relations specifi cally is the debate clarifies what it is not It is most frequently mentioned that this new type of great power relations is very different from traditional great power relations that rising power will inevitably challenge the existing hegemonic power such as Germany United Kingdom before the first and second world wars and JapanUnited States in the early 1940s As such the new type of great power relations is a new answer to an old question on how to deal with potential conflicts between rising power and exiting hegem onic power It is also different from the USSoviet Union relations based on a cold war or zerosum mentality In addition to comparing this new type of great power relations with traditional great power relations in history it is argued that this concept is new because the current Sino China relations are different from the previous one Yuan 2012 In the past the SinoUS relation is the relationship between the only superpower ie the United States and a normal major country ie China As such it is similar to USJapan or USRussia rela tions However nowadays SinoUS relations involve the relationship between No 1 and No 2 or the rising power and the hegemonic power which is fundamentally different from before The nature of the debate theory method and influential scholars The final section of this article explores the nature of the Chinese academic discourse including theory method and scholars Figure 3 shows the frequency of theories that inform the debate Realism is the most frequently mentioned theory In all 22 of articles mention realism but this theory is only used to present the pessimistic views on great power politics It usually sets up a context for authors to explain why a new type of great power relations is needed Some are directly critical of realism For example Yu Hongjun argues that using realism to deal with contemporary international issues not only does not work but will also harm the entire world and future generations Yu 2013a 9 Nonetheless these authors do not propose a better theoretical approach when criticizing the realist views While many do not agree with realism they recognize the danger of great power politics For example Chen Jian 2012 Dean of International Relations in Renmin University argues that 20122024 is the most dangerous decade for SinoUS relations If it is not handled properly there will be friction or even war between the US and China p 13 Liberalism and idealism are mentioned by 11 and 4 of articles respectively This does not mean that these articles support a liberal approach as I will discuss later Some are directly critical of idealism For example Su Changhe 2014 Vice Dean at the Fudan Zeng 15 University argues that it is wrong for idealism to exaggerate the effects of different politi cal systems between the United States and China as a barrier to build new type of great power relations p 35 Thus it is easier for idealism to make a bigger mistake than any other theory when dealing with international politics Su 2014 35 In addition constructivism English school and Marxism are mentioned by 56 284 and 284 of articles respectively Collectively I find that the Chinese discourse of new type of great power relations generally lacks theoretical engagement There are only 3333 of articles in the debate that mention the above IR theories In other words a majority of 141 articles do not men tion any theory at all It is notable that the word mention is used here because most Chinese articles either simply mention these theories as theoretical schools without using them as the most preferred explanatory theory or use them to explain the behaviour of others especially the United States instead of Chinese actions and intentions The only exception is constructivism Although constructivism is less mentioned in the debate it is often used as a sole theoretical framework to analyse the new type of great power rela tions by a couple of articles English school is also used by an article as the sole explana tory theory Zhang 2014 Figure 3 Scholars and theories that inform the Chinese academic debate on new type of great power relations 19982014 16 The British Journal of Politics and International Relations This minimal engagement with IR theory in the discourse of new type of great power relations is not unique in Chinese literature A similar pattern is found in the Chinese writ ings of for example core interests and globalisation Zeng et al 2015 Zhu and Pearson 2013 In these topics scholarship is mainly driven by policy or events rather than theory oriented In other words Chinese authors are more interested in providing policy advice to Chinese policymakers than making theoretical contributions This is quite understand able given that the academic debate on new type of great power relations is clearly gener ated by Xi Jinpings political agenda In China there is also an increasing dissatisfaction with the above mainstream Western theories and a turn towards indigenous alternatives that is Chinese IR theory as we find in the Chinese discourse of core interests Zeng et al 2015 Similarly when debating on new type of great power relations some argue that the above traditional Western IR could not explain the rise of emerging power and that this Chinesecoined concept transcends those Western theories Wang 2013b 61 There are two views of the Western ingredients of this Chinesecoined concept Some argue that the Western nation state international system is not sustainable and that the world should learn from Eastern philosophy such as all under the heaven tian xia and ancient East Asian order Wang 2013a 68 As such this concept represents a challenge of nonWestern countries to the Western dominance and it has gradually accumulated as a new discourse system Yang 2013a 14 Others argue that this Chinesecoined concept also absorbs the essence of Western theories Thus it is a combination of Chinese traditional spirit and common val ues of humankind Yu 2013a 8 Some have also considered it as Chinas significant theoretical contribution to contemporary IR theories Zhang 2013 In terms of research methods I find that all 141 articles follow qualitative approach Unlike their views their methods are not diverse Almost all use historical analysis with a few of the articles involving interviews As such most articles follow a longitudinal design that compares historical periods with contemporary world politics with a few involved with case study eg Taiwan to analyse the broader picture of new type of great power relations Figure 3 also shows the frequency of scholars that are cited in the debate Kenneth Lieberthal is the most influential Western scholar in the debate His book coauthored with Wang Jisi Addressing USChina Strategic Distrust Chinese edition is particularly popular within the debate John Mearsheimer is also widely cited on the account of his offensive realism However most disagree with Mearsheimers pessimistic views on Chinas peaceful rise and his views are often introduced to set the context on why new type of great power relations is needed Other influential Western scholars include Joseph Nye often with the concept of soft power Barry Buzan be cited to represent the English school Samuel Huntington with his The Clash of Civilizations David Shambaugh Zbigniew Brzezinski Robert Keohane and Robert Ross among others Chinese scholars are of equivalent importance if not more so in this debate The most influential Chinese scholars are all leading scholars in China which include Yuan Peng Director of Institute of American Studies in The China Institutes of Contemporary International Relations Wang Jisi Former Dean of the School of International Studies at Peking University Qin Yaqing President of China Foreign Affairs University Yan Xuetong Dean of the Institute of Modern International Relations at Tsinghua University Zhou Fangyin Director of Periphery Strategy Research Centre at Guangdong Research Institute for International Strategies Yang Jiemian President of the Shanghai Institute for International Studies and Chen Jian Dean of the School of International Studies at Zeng 17 Renmin University and the Former UnderSecretaryGeneral of the United Nations all of whom have contributed at least an article to the debate except Qin Yaqing and Yan Xuetong Yuan Peng the most influential scholar in this debate is widely cited for his active work on this topic Above all both Western and Chinese scholars play important roles in the debate and Chinese scholars are slightly more influential This pattern differs from the Chinese dis course of core interestsin which Chinese scholars play a principal role Zeng et al 2015and that of regime legitimacy which is dominated by Western scholars Zeng 2014 Concluding remarks With Chinas rise SinoUS relations have become increasingly important and perhaps dangerous How China fills the substance of the new type of great power relations and how the United States responds to these Chinese initiatives probably will determine the Asian landscape and perhaps the international order in decades to come New type of great power relations means a positive signal about Chinas responsible behaviour to some and a trap to others A better response to this Chinese initiative requires a more comprehensive understanding as to how and where it comes from As this article shows the academic discussion on new type of great power relations can be traced back to the late 1990s when it referred to Chinas relations with Russiaa relationship among nor mal powers Yet driven by Chinas rise Chinas international identity has shifted as to a unique great power and rising power or even a superpower Consequently this shift has fundamentally changed contemporary debate on new type of great power relationsa debate that focuses on SinoUS relations and how to manage conflicts between a rising power and existing hegemon Nonetheless as this article reveals while there is a broad agreement on the impor tance of new type of great power relations to SinoUS relations no consensus is reached on what new type of great power relations is and how China is going to put it into prac tice Nor does it contain certain specific meaning until now It would perhaps be misguided to presume that the new type of great power relations comes with a prede termined clear strategic intention The use of this concept is neither determined nor unified There is also a strong fear that China may lose the discourse power of this concept if Chinese academics and analysts fail to provide specific substance for this conceptfor example this term may be interpreted by others especially the United States in ways that serve others interests rather than Chinas In other words Chinese thinkers are con cerned that China may be trapped by its own conceptno less than their counterparts in the United States In this regard the power struggle between China and the United States here does not lie in economic or military domains but discursive power For China who aims to move from being a normsystem taker to a norm shaper it is important to develop its discursive power and ability to define and operationalize core concepts to meet Chinese objectives Given the current conceptual vagueness of new type of great power relations the struggle over discourse is far from over In addition to new type of relations great power is the second pillar of this Chinese coined concept What is a great power and which country is qualified as great power The authors next goal is to turn the attentions to how great power is defined in this concept As we shall discuss in the next article the contemporary Chinese discourse of new type 18 The British Journal of Politics and International Relations of great power relations has been moving towards what we call a G2 with Chinese characteristicsa G2 relations defined by and for ChinaChinese interests in Chinese terms Zeng and Breslin 2016 Looking beyond the debate the new type of great power relations is one of the Chinese initiatives in the broader context of Chinas rise It is almost certain that we will witness more Chinese terms that come with Chinas theoretical power and rising power status in the global order This has already been demonstrated by the initiative of One Belt One RoadNew Silk Road A better understanding of Chinas rise and its strategic intentions requires closer observation in terms of Chinas every move How these new concepts evoke domestic response with China deserve is of equivalent importance to the interna tional response To be sure my methodological approach is not the only way to study the relevant areas However it provides a systematic replicable way to examine these Chinese debate and discourses in a relatively large body of work and in a relatively brief and concise manner Acknowledgements I am grateful to Oliver Turner Michiel Foulon and three anonymous reviewers of BJPIR for their valuable com ments on the earlier version of this paper Special thanks goes to Shaun Breslin who suggested me to start this project for his selfless support Of course all mistakes are my own Funding The author would like to acknowledge the support of the National Social Science Fund of China in this project Studies on Xi Jinpings thoughts about public diplomacy and communication of great power project ID 15AXW005 Notes 1 Interview conducted in Beijing in April 2015 2 httpssitesgooglecomsitezengjinghandata 3 My final search was conducted on 22 December 2014 4 It is included in my dataset because the author used both 新型的大国关系 and 新型大国关系 in the main text and referred them to the same meaning 5 Nonetheless I cite some conference review in this article for references 6 In the case of multiple authors only the first authors institution is counted 7 This information is collected by the author from httpfzpeoplecomcnskygbskindexphpIndexseach accessed 7 September 2015 8 Although a few also noted that the United States is reluctant to accept it eg Pang 2013 Shi 2014a 28 Zhang 2014 56 and that they know that the United States might have a different interpretation over this term eg Li 2013a References Blumenthal D 2015 Old type great power relations Foreign Policy Available at httpforeignpolicy 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